A 7-2 split on the U.S. Supreme Court last week revived state-law antitrust claims against natural-gas pipelines. End-user (or retail) customers alleged that the pipelines conspired to rig index prices and thus inflate sales prices. The ruling gave narrow play to the pipelines' "field pre-emption" defense. The Court held that a federal agency's power under the Natural Gas Act to regulate any "practice" that affected wholesale prices to resellers did not pre-empt the claims. ONEOK, Inc. v. LearJet, Inc., No. 13-271 (U.S. Apr. 21, 2015).
The decision plainly will help plaintiffs who bring claims under state law to fend off federal pre-emption defenses. But it may also aid those who bring federal-law claims that defendants contend Congress tacitly pre-empted.
Gas, gas, gas
Under the Natural Gas Act of 1938, the Federal Energy Regulatory Commission (FERC) had and has the power to make rules and issue orders relating to some, but hardly all, aspects of the domestic gas industry. FERC's authority has notably included a role in regulating prices that interstate pipelines charge to utilities and other middlemen. But over the years FERC has done less and less of that.
In the 1970s, with prodding from Congress, FERC began to shed its function as the setter of prices that pipelines could pay and charge. Yet FERC remained a hovering presence in the gas industry, although now it mainly aimed to assure that pipelines didn't garner too much power in individual gas markets.
A flood of sales to wholesale (reseller) and retail (end-user) purchasers ensued. The deluge in turn led to use of more or less local indices as pricing benchmarks. The index price in theory reflected actual, arm's-length transactions, and it often found its way into private contracts as a presumably objective proxy for the market price.
Rigging the market
But reality didn't match the theory or the presumption. People manipulated the indices. As the Court noted, "sometimes those who reported [pricing] information simply fabricated it". ONEOK, slip op. at 7. Other times, it pointed out, parties reported prices from "wash" trades, which had no substance. Id.
FERC had snapped to the manipulation by 2003 -- including as the result of the California electricity crisis of 2000-2001. By then, gas prices had more than tripled. Suspecting foul play, several groups of retail buyers sued, alleging a conspiracy to inflate gas prices through (among other means) rigging of price indices. They claimed violation of state antitrust laws only.
Dismissal and reversal
The defendants' having removed the cases to federal court, the district judge (in Nevada) who got all of them granted a motion to dismiss. He held that the NGA pre-empted the "field" and therefore barred antitrust claims that would have the (indirect) effect of regulating wholesale prices of natural gas. The fact that the plaintiffs limited their claims to retail prices, which FERC did not have jurisdiction to regulate, did not matter to the court. The practices in question affected prices at both levels, and the claims "aimed at" entities -- interstate pipelines -- over which FERC had regulatory jurisdiction and authority.
The Ninth Circuit reversed. The Supreme Court granted review. It affirmed the court of appeals decision.
Issues
The 7-2 majority, with Justice Breyer writing for it, leaned heavily on the fact that Congress left much of the natural-gas industry to state oversight, putting only the interstate transportation part under FERC's suzerainty. "Accordingly," Justice Breyer wrote, "where (as here) a state law can be applied to nonjurisdictional as well as jurisdictional sales, we must proceed cautiously, finding pre-emption only where detailed examination convinces us that a matter falls within the pre-empted field as defined by our precedents." ONEOK, slip op. at 10-11.
That "detailed examination" did not persuade the Court. "Antitrust laws", Justice Breyer noted, "are not aimed at natural-gas companies in particular, but rather all businesses in the marketplace." Id. at 13. Under the Court's precedents, that meant the state-law claims could avoid pre-emption so long as they dealt with conduct that fell at least partly within state authority and did not "aim" to regulate the pipelines as pipelines. Because the retail buyers' lawsuits did not "seek to challenge the background marketplace conditions that affected both jurisdictional and nonjurisdictional rates", the NGA did not pre-empt them under a "field pre-emption" theory. Id. at 15.
Scalia dissent
Justice Antonin Scalia's dissent, which Chief Justice John Roberts joined, painted the pre-emption issue as a simple question of whether Congress gave FERC the sole power to regulate wholesale prices. "Because the Commission's exclusive authority extends to the conduct challenged here," he concluded, "state antitrust regulation of that conduct is preempted." Id. at 3 (Scalia, J., dissenting).
Upshot
ONEOK will have three main effects.
Most obviously, the pro-plaintiff outcome will help LearJet and the other end-users who brought or who will (by way of the class action mechanism) benefit from the litigation. Yet they have miles to go before they sleep. A "conflict pre-emption" attack awaits them upon their return to the district court.
Second, ONEOK will aid other plaintiffs who assert state-law antitrust and other claims that may impinge on the subject matter of federal regulation. Areas include these:
- telecommunications (some of which the Federal Communications Commission oversees),
- banking (the Federal Reserve);
- public trading of securities (the Securities and Exchange Commission);
- air transportation (Federal Aviation Administration);
- pharmaceuticals and medical devices (Food and Drug Administration);
- workplace safety (Occupational Safety and Health Administration); and
- healthcare (Department of Health and Human Services).
Whether ONEOK makes a difference in a particular context will depend partly on how much leeway Congress left states for regulation of the subject matter and -- assuming Congress left some room for state involvement -- partly on the result of the "detailed examination" of which Justice Breyer spoke.
Finally, the Court's 7-2 rejection of Justice Scalia's sweeping view of field pre-emption should imply a softening of the Court's "implied repeal" doctrine, which hypothesizes that a "plain repugnancy" between two federal statutes requires that one of the two give way. The Court in Credit Suisse, with Justice Breyer again the author, seemed too quick to find a conflict between securities and antitrust law.** Justice Breyer's more modest approach in ONEOK may help confine Credit Suisse to its facts.
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* See Credit Suisse Securities (USA) LLC v. Billing, 551 U.S. 264 (2007) (holding that SEC's authority to regulation initial public offerings of stock under federal securities law trumped claim under federal antitrust law that investment banks conspired to rig terms for providing IPO services).
** See Jesse W. Markham, Jr., The Supreme Court's New Implied Repeal Doctrine: Expanding Judicial Power to Rewrite Legislation Under the Ballooning Conception of "Plain Repugnancy", 45 Gonzaga L. Rev. 437 (2009/10).
Guest Post: "The Everything Store" -- Can You Buy a Monopsony on Amazon?
You have a special treat today.
Hollis Salzman and Meegan F. Hollywood at Robins, Kaplan, Miller & Ciresi L.L.P. in New York have written a timely Guest Post on an important and exotic antitrust topic -- monopsony.
Ms. Salzman serves as Co-Chair of Robins Kaplan's Antitrust and Trade Regulation Group and as co-lead counsel in blockbuster antitrust class actions, including In re Automotive Parts and In re Air Cargo Shipping Services. Recognition of her knowledge and skill have come from Chambers USA, Lawdragon, and Benchmark Litigation, to name a few. Check out a recent interview by Law360.
Ms. Hollywood prosecutes class actions that involve price-fixing, unlawful monopolization, and other anticompetitive practices. She heads up the associates who handle In re Air Cargo Shipping Services.
You can contact them at [email protected] and [email protected], respectively.
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"The Everything Store" -- Can You Buy a Monsopsony on Amazon?
There has been a lot of buzz in recent months over the highly publicized Amazon-Hachette dispute, which was first reported by The New York Times when negotiations over renewed contract terms between the online retailer and publisher broke down earlier this year. While details regarding the exact nature of the dispute have not been divulged, the general consensus is that Hachette prefers to return to an agency pricing model, which allows publishers to set the prices of their own books. Amazon is adamantly opposed to this switch because the agency model would prevent the kind of drastic discounting that Amazon is known for. It’s no secret that publishers deem Amazon’s discounting practices a violation of antitrust laws. Recent debate, however, has focused on whether US regulators tend to agree.
Of course, all of this follows from that other much-publicized dispute in which the Department of Justice successfully claimed that the six largest publishers in the US, including Hachette, unlawfully colluded with Apple to raise e-book prices when they introduced the agency pricing model in response to Amazon’s deep discounting back in 2010. The publishers settled the case and agreed to certain restrictions, which largely enabled Amazon to continue discounting e-books. Moreover, US District Judge Denise Cote’s final order, issued in 2013, laid out a staggered schedule for the various publishers to renegotiate their contracts with retailers. As it turns out, Hachette was up first.
Reportedly, Amazon demanded better terms from Hachette, and negotiations rapidly deteriorated. Amazon retaliated by declaring literary war on Hachette in an effort to force the publisher’s hand. Specifically, Amazon delayed delivery of books published by Hachette for up to three weeks, removed the pre-order option for Hachette titles, charged more for Hachette books, and even suggested that readers might enjoy a book from another author instead. To add to the hype, Hachette authors simultaneously took to social media to denounce the mammoth online retailer for offenses ranging from bullying to extortion to a violation of antitrust laws.
Meanwhile, across the pond, recent reports indicate that the European Commission has begun a preliminary investigation into complaints that Amazon violated European competition law by engaging in similar tactics with Bonnier AB, a German publishing trade group. Specifically, Bonnier claims that Amazon delayed delivery of its books in order to force the publisher to accept lower prices for its e-books. European antitrust law expressly forbids companies with a dominant market position from engaging in such abusive conduct.
All of this has led many to ponder whether Amazon’s recent exploits might (finally) raise the eyebrows of US antitrust watchdogs.
Monopoly, Monopsony – What’s The Difference?
While commentators often attach the word “monopoly” to Amazon, the real inquiry is whether Amazon is, instead, a “monopsony.” An unlawful monopsony, the lesser known violation in the antitrust family, occurs when a buyer of goods has the power to unlawfully lower the prices of the products that it buys. By contrast, an unlawful monopoly occurs when a seller of goods has the power to unlawfully raise the prices of what it sells. Both result in a misallocation of resources, which harms consumers and distorts markets, and therefore each violates antitrust law.
The theory of monopsony assumes that the monopsonist has the power to dictate terms to its suppliers. However, to show monopsony, one must show that suppliers are forced to sell their products at prices so low that the loss results in a reduction of supply. Harm to the market results when suppliers are, in turn, driven out of business, or have less money to invest in new innovation, technology, equipment, and/or expansion. In that sense, a monopsony often does not directly affect consumers in the traditional way that unlawful monopolies do.
As an added wrinkle, buyer power without true monopsony power can actually benefit consumers. Indeed, when buyer power pushes prices down without resulting supply reduction, consumers enjoy lower downstream prices. Consumers are harmed, however, when output reduction is coupled with a misallocation of resources. While consumers may not immediately feel the effects of the monopsony, harm resonates nonetheless as wealth is transferred to the monopsonist, and consumers are faced with higher prices and fewer options.
For its part, Amazon has a strong reputation for consumer-friendly discounting. Thus, as consumers enjoy discounted e-book prices, it is difficult to imagine how they are being harmed by Amazon’s practices. The relevant question is whether Amazon’s bullying tactics with publishers could effectively result in a reduction of books being published.
Could Amazon Be The First Illegal Monopsony?
Significantly, no US court has yet to find a single company guilty of an unlawful monopsony. The case that came the closest was Weyerhaeuser Co. v. Ross-Simmons Hardware Lumber Co., 549 U.S. 312 (2007). In Weyerhaeuser, a dominant purchaser of logs was accused of overbidding, and driving its smaller rival out of business. While the trial court and Ninth Circuit found for the plaintiffs, agreeing that the defendant paid “more than it needed to pay” for logs, the Supreme Court reversed 9-0.
The Weyerhaeuser Court concluded that predatory buying must be evaluated under a much stricter analysis than that contemplated by the Ninth Circuit. Specifically, the Court held that a buyer is liable only if (1) buy-side bidding caused costs to rise higher than revenues, and (2) the defendant has a “dangerous probability of recouping the losses” through an “exercise of monopsony power.” It is important to note that under the Weyerhaeuser standard, recoupment via higher prices in the downstream market does not satisfy the test. Rather, the Supreme Court required recoupment “through the exercise of monopsony power,” that is – by forcing lower prices on the buy-side.
Since Amazon first introduced its Kindle product, it has priced e-books below what it was buying them for. For example, if Amazon bought an e-book from Hachette for $15, it resold it to a consumer for $9.99, losing $5.01 per e-book. Not surprisingly, e-book consumers flocked to Amazon helping the online retailer to grow exponentially over the years, and causing publishers and authors to rely on Amazon’s sales. In fact, some have even suggested that consumers use Amazon as a modern-day card catalog. According to that theory, if a book or author is not sold on Amazon, that book or author must not exist.
With its low prices and established reputation as a consumer-friendly reading room of sorts, there is little debate that Amazon is a dominating force in the e-book market, both on the buy-side and sell-side. Varied reports have placed Amazon’s share of the e-books market from anywhere between 60 to 90 percent. Moreover, Amazon accounts for nearly 65 percent of Hachette’s e-book sales. Thus, Amazon certainly has market power in the antitrust sense, and its buyer power alone cannot be said to be merely circumstantial.
Now it seems that Amazon is attempting to enhance its bottom line by wielding its power in the market to achieve more favorable pricing from publishers, rather than by increasing its own prices downstream, i.e. recoupment through the exercise of monopsony power. It remains to be seen, however, whether Amazon’s tactics will result in a reduction of output. Publishers will certainly be put out by larger discounts to Amazon and expensive services. Authors will likewise suffer if publishers are, in turn, unable to pay large advances, or are paid less per book due to higher discounts paid to Amazon. Stifling authors could certainly lead to fewer publications for consumers to choose from, and a reallocation of wealth flowing directly to Amazon.
Interestingly, in an effort to break its standoff with Hachette, Amazon executive David Naggar, wrote an open letter to Hachette authors proposing to take them out of the middle of the dispute by promising them a “big windfall.” Specifically, Amazon dangled 100% of the sales price of every Hachette e-book sold on Amazon to Hachette authors. However, Hachette quickly rejected the proposal, calling it “suicidal.” Whether Amazon is trying to avoid being labeled an unlawful monopsonist by this recent proposal, or whether it is just trying to win back the hearts of frustrated authors and consumers alike remains to be seen.
Conclusion
The general consensus among antitrust analysts is that US regulators are not likely to intervene in what has been labeled by some as a simple business dispute. Indeed, many view this dispute as normal business dealings between a retailer and supplier, and maintain that the enormous attention merely stems from the visibility and notoriety of the parties involved. However, as Amazon continues its fight with Hachette, and its contracts with the remaining publishers start to expire, perhaps US regulators will be inclined to take a closer look.